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질문 이 연설문 발음좀 알려주세요.(내공 왕창드림)
koma**** 조회수 3,042 작성일2006.01.13

Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address(November 19, 1863)


Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate―we cannot consecrate―we cannot hallow―this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us―that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion―that we

here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain―that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom―and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

 

 

 

 

I have a dream

 

 

 

Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,

"Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

 

 

 

Citizens of Russia: On the night of 18-19 August 1991, the legally elected president of the country was removed from power.

Regardless of the reasons given for his removal, we are dealing with a rightist, reactionary, anti-constitutional coup. Despite all the difficulties and severe trials being experienced by the people, the democratic process in the country is acquiring an increasingly broad sweep and an irreversible character.
The peoples of Russia are becoming masters of their destiny. The uncontrolled powers of unconstitutional organs have been considerably limited, and this includes party organs.
The leadership of Russia has adopted a resolute position toward the Union Treaty striving for the unity of the Soviet Union and unity of Russia. Our position on this issue permitted a considerable acceleration of the preparation of this treaty, to coordinate it with all the republics and to determine the date of signing as August 20. Tomorrow's signing has been canceled.

These developments gave rise to angry reactionary forces, pushed them to irresponsible and adventurist attempts to solve the most complicated political and economic problems by methods of force. Attempts to realize a coup have been tried earlier.
We considered and consider that such methods of force are unacceptable. They discredit the union in the eyes of the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, and return us to the Cold War era along with the Soviet Union's isolation in the world community. All of this forces us to proclaim that the so-called committee's ascendancy to power is unlawful.
Accordingly we proclaim all decisions and instructions of this committee to be unlawful.
We are confident that the organs of local power will unswervingly adhere to constitutional laws and decrees of the president of Russia.
We appeal to citizens of Russia to give a fitting rebuff to the putschists and demand a return of the country to normal constitutional development.
Undoubtedly it is essential to give the country's president, Gorbachev, an opportunity to address the people. Today he has been blockaded. I have been denied communications with him. We demand an immediate convocation of an extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the Union. We are absolutely confident that our countrymen will not permit the sanctioning of the tyranny and lawlessness of the putschists, who have lost all shame and conscience. We address an appeal to servicemen to manifest lofty civic duty and not take part in the reactionary coup.
Until these demands are met, we appeal for a universal unlimited strike.

 

 

이 연설문을 한글로 번역해달라는 말이 아니고요.

 

이연설문에 발음을 한글로 번역해주세요.

 

그러니깐

 

Hello 를 헬로 <-- 이런식으로요 ^^

프로필 사진

답변자님,

정보를 공유해 주세요.

1 개 답변
1번째 답변
프로필 사진
akdl****
중수
번역, 통역 분야에서 활동
본인 입력 포함 정보

헉.. 이거 제가 한국말로 써주면 그발음대로 그냥읽으려고요?;;

그렇게 만만한 문장들이 아닌것같은데..

만약 연설을 할 계획이시라면 좀더 쉬운 문장들로 이루어진 걸로 하면어떨까요?^^;

그냥 간단한 문장도 아니고 영어잘하는 사람도 읽다가 지쳐버릴거같은

연설문을 한글로 읽는데는 좀 무리가 있지 않을까 싶네요 ^^;

음..최대한 굴린 발음으로 쓸테니 웃진마세요^^;

 

Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address(November 19, 1863)

아브라함 링컨스 게티스벌그 어드뤠스(노벰벌 나인틴, 에이틴식스티쓰리)


Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation,

폴(f로 되있는건 그냥 ㅍ로 읽지말고 f발음 내서 읽으세요..안그럼 웃겨요; f발음 선생님이나 친구들한테 알려달라고 해서 읽으세요) 스코얼 앤 세븐 이얼즈 어고 아월 파덜스 브라웃 폴쓰 온 디스 콘티넨트, 어 뉴 내션.

 conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
콘씨브드(드는약하게) 인 리벌티, 앤 대디캐이티드 투더 프로포지션 댓 얼 맨 알 크리에이티드 이퀄.


Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived

나우 위 알 인게이지드 인 어 그레이트 씨빌 왈, 테스팅 웨덜 댓 내션, 올 애니 내션 소 콘시브드

and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come

앤 소 대디캐이티드, 캔 롱 인줠. 위 알 맷 온 어 그레이트 배틀필드 오브 댓 왈. 위 해브 컴

to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that

투 대디캐이트 어 폴션 오브 댓 필드, 애즈 어 파이널 레스팅 플레이스 폴 도즈 후 히얼 게이브 데얼 리브 댓

that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger

댓 내션 마이트 리브. 잇 이즈 얼투게덜 피딩 앤 프로펄 댓 위 슈드 두 디스. 벗, 인 어 라줠

sense, we cannot dedicate―we cannot consecrate―we cannot hallow―this ground. The brave

센스, 위 캔낫 대디캐이트ㅡ위 캔낫 콘시크레이트ㅡ위 캔낫 할로우ㅡ디스 그라운드. 더 브레이브

men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add

맨, 리빙 앤 대드, 후 스트러글드 히얼, 해브 콘시크레이티드 잇, 팔 어보브 아월 푸얼 파월 투 애드

or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say here, but it can never forget

올 대트랙트. 더 월드 윌 리들 노트, 놀 롱 리멤벌, 왓 위 세이 히얼, 벗 잇 캔 네벌 폴겟

what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work

왓 데이 디드 히얼. 잇 이스 폴 어스 더 리빙, 래덜, 투 비 대디캐이티드 히얼 투 더 언피니쉬드 월크

which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here

위치 데이 후 파웃트 히얼 해브 더스 팔 소 노블리 어드번스드. 잇 이스 래덜 폴 어스 투 비 히얼

dedicated to the great task remaining before us―that from these honored dead we take increased

대디캐이티드 투 더 그래이트 태스크 리메이닝 비포얼 어스ㅡ탯 프롬 디스 오널드 대드 위 테이크 인크리즈드

devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion―that we
데보션 투 댓 커즈 폴 위치 데이 게이브 더 래스트 풀 메줠 오브 데보션ㅡ댓 위
here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain―that this nation, under God, shall

히얼 하일리 리솔브 댓 디즈 대드 셜 낫 해브 다이드 인 배인ㅡ댓 디스 내션, 언덜 갓, 셜

have a new birth of freedom―and that government of the people, by the people, for the people,

해브 어 뉴 벌스 오브 프리덤ㅡ앤 댓 고벌먼트 오브 더 피플, 바이 더 피플, 폴 더 피플.

shall not perish from the earth.

셜 낫 퍼리쉬 프롬 디 얼스.

 

 

 

I have a dream

아이 해브 어 드림.

 

 

 

Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963

딜리벌드 온 더 스텝스 앳 더 링컨 메모리얼 인 워싱턴 디씨. 온 어거스트 투엔티에잇, 나인티식스티쓰리.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the

파이브 스코얼 이얼즈 어고, 어 그레잇 아메리칸 인 후즈 심볼릭 셰도우 위 스탠드 사인 더

Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to

이맨씨페이션 프로클레이메이션. 디스 모먼터스 디크리 캐임 애즈 어 그레잇 비컨 라이트 오브 홉 투

millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a

밀리언스 오브 네그로 슬레입스 후 해드 빈 시얼드 인 더 플래임스 오브 위털닝 인저스티스. 잇 캐임 애즈 어

joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

조이어스 데이 브레이크 투 앤드 더 롱 나잇 오브 캡티비티.

But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One

벗 원 헌드레드 이얼즈 레이터, 위 머스트 페이스 더 트래직 팩트 댓 더 네그로 이스 스틸 낫 프리. 원

hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation

헌드레드 이얼즈 레이터, 더 라이프 오브 더 네그로 이스 스틸 새들리 크리플드 바이 더 매내클즈 오브 세그리게이션

and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of

앤 더 체인스 오브 디스크리미네이션. 원 헌드레드 이얼즈 레이터, 더 네그로 리브스 온 어 로늘리 아일랜드 오브

poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is

파벌티 인 더 미드스트 오브 어 배스트 오션 오브 매터리얼 프로스퍼리티. 원 헌드레드 이얼즈 레이터, 더 네그로 이스

still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So

스틸 랭귀슁 인 더 코멀스 오브 아메리칸 소시어티 앤 필즈 힘셀프 언 이그자일 인 히스 오운 랜드. 소

we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

위 해브 컴 히얼 투데이 투 드라마티즈 언 어펄링 컨디션.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our

인 어 센스 위 해브 컴 투 아월 내션스 캐피탈 투 캐쉬 어 첵. 덴 더 알키텍츠 오브 아월

republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence,

리파블릭 로트(이발음은 글로나타내기가힘드네요. 딴단어도 그렇지만..우로트에 좀비슷해요. 물어보세요)더 매그니피센트 월즈 오브 더 콘스티투션 앤 더 디클러레이션 오브 인디펜던스,

they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a

데이 월 싱잉 어 프로미써리 노트 투 위치 에브리 아메리칸 와즈 투 펄 해어. 디스 노트 와즈 어

promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of

프라미스 댓 얼 맨 우드 비 개런티드 더 이널리어너블 라이츠 오브 라이프, 리벌티, 앤 더 펄쉿 오브

happiness.

해피니스.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of

잇 이스 오비어스 투데이 댓 아메리카 해스 디펄티드 온 디스 프라미써리 노트 인소팔 애스 헐 씨티즌스 오브

color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro

콜라 알 콘설드(이발음도 좀 물어봐서 하세요.).인스테드 오브 오너링 디스 스캐얼드 오블리게이션, 아메리카 해스 기븐 더 네그로

people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe

피플 어 배드 첵 위치 해스 컴 백 말크드 "인서피시언트 펀즈." 벗 위 리퓨즈 투 빌리브

that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the

댓 더 뱅크 오브 저스티스 이스 뱅크럽트. 위 리퓨즈 투 빌리브 댓 데얼 알 인서피시언트 펀즈 인 더

great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will

그레잇 벌츠 오브 오펄튜니티 오브 디스 내션. 소 위 해브 컴 투 캐쉬 티스 첵ㅡ어 첵 댓 윌

give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

기브 어스 어픈 디맨드 더 리취스 오브 프리덤 앤 더 세큐어리티 오브 저스티스.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is

위 해브 얼소 컴 투 디스 할로우드 스팟 투 리마인드 아메리카 오브 더 피얼스 얼전씨 오브 나우. 디스 이스

no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.

노 타임 투 인게이지 인 더 럭셔리 오브 쿨링 오브 올 투 테이크 더 트랜퀼리징 드러그 오브 그래듀얼리즘.

Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of

나우 이스 더 타임 투 라이즈 프롬더 달크 앤 디솔레이트 발리 오브 세그리게이션 투 더 선릿 패쓰 오브

racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is

래셜 저티스. 나우 이스 더 타임 투 오픈 더 도얼스 오브 오펄튜니티 투 얼 오브 갓스 칠드런. 나우 이스

the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

더 타임 투 리프트 아월 내션 프롬 더 퀵샌즈 오브 래셜 인저스티스 투 더 솔리드 락 오브 브라덜후드.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the

잇 우드 비 패탈 폴 더 내션 투 오버룩 더 얼전씨 오브 더 모먼트 앤 투 언덜스티매이트 더

determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not

디털미네이션 오브 더 네그로. 디스 스웰터링 섬멀 오브 더 네그로스 레지티메이트 디스콘텐트 윌 낫

pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an

패쓰 언틸 데얼 이즈 언 인비고레이팅 어텀 오브 프리담 앤 이퀄리티. 나인틴 씩스티쓰리 이스 낫 언

end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be

앤드, 벗 어 비기닝. 도즈 후 홉 댓 더 네그로 니디드 투 블로우 오프 스팀 앤 윌 낫 비

content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be

콘탠트 윌 해브 어 루드 어웨이크닝 이프 더 내션 리턴스 투 비지니스 애스 유절. 데얼 윌 비

neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The

니덜 레스트 노얼 트랜퀼리티 인 아메리카 언틸 더 네그로 이스 그랜티드 히스 씨티즌쉽 롸이츠. 더

whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of

월윈즈 오브 리볼트 윌 컨티뉴 투 쉐이크 더 파운데이션스 오브 아월 내션 언틸 더 브라잇 데이 오브

justice emerges.

저스티스 이멀쥐스.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which

벗 데얼 이스 섬띵 댓 아이 머스트 세이 투 마이 피플 후 스탠드 온 더 왐 트레숄드 위치

leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty

리즈 인투 더 팔라스 오브 저스티스. 인 더 프로세쓰 오브 게이닝 아월 롸잇풀 플레이스 위 머스트 낫 비 길티

of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of

오브 롱풀 디즈. 렛 어스 낫 식 투 새티스파이 아월 떨스트 폴 프리담 바이 드링킹 프롬 더 컵 오브

bitterness and hatred.

비털니쓰 앤 해트레드.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not

위 머스트 포레버 콘덕트 아월 스트러글 온 더 하이 플레인 오브 다이니티 앤 이서플라인. 위 머스트 낫

allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to

얼로우 아월 크리에이티브 프로테스트 투 디제너레이트 인투 피지컬 바이올런스. 어게인 앤 어게인 위 머스트 라이즈 투

the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy

더 매저스틱 헤이츠 오브 미팅 피지컬 폴스 위쓰 소울 폴쓰. 더 말빌로우스 뉴 밀리턴씨

which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for

위치 해스 인걸프드 더 네그로 커뮤니티 머스트 낫 리드 어스 투 디스트러스트 오브 얼 와잇 피플, 폴

many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that

매니 오브 아월 화이트 브라덜스, 애스 애비던스드 바이 더 프리센스 히얼 투데이, 해브 컴 투 리얼라이즈 댓

their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

데얼 데스티니 이스 타이드 업 위쓰 아월 데스티니 앤 데얼 프리담 이스 인익스트리캐블리 바운드 투 아월 프리담.

We cannot walk alone.

위 캔낫 워크 얼론.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back.

앤 애스 위 워크, 위 머스트 메익 더 플릿지 댓 위 셜 말취 어헤드. 위 캔낫 턴 백. 

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We

데얼 알 도즈 후 알 애스킹 더 대보티스 오브 시빌 라이츠, 웬 윌 유 비 새디스파이드?" 위

can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain

캔 네벌 비 새디스파이드 애스 롱 애스 아월 바디스, 헤비 위쓰 더 피티규 오브 트레블, 캔낫 게인

lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as

 롯징 인 더 모텔스 오브 더 하이웨이 앤 더 호텔스 오브 더 씨티스. 위 캔낫 비 새디스파이드 애스

long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be

롱 애스 더 네그로스 베이직 모빌리티 이스 프롬 어 스몰럴 게토 투 어 랄졀 원. 위 캔 네벌 비

satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has

새디스파이드 애스 롱 애스 어 네그로 인 미씨씨피 캔낫 보트 앤 어 네그로 인 뉴욕 빌리브스 히 해스

nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice

나띵 폴 위치 투 보트. 노,노,위 알 낫 새디스파이드, 앤 위 윌 낫 비 새디스파이드 언틸 쥬티쓰

rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

롤스 다운 라익 워럴스 앤 라이터스니쓰 라익 어 마이티 스트림.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of

아이엠 낫 언마인드풀 댓 섬 오브 유 해브 컴 히얼 아웃 오브 그레잇 트리알스 앤 트리뷸레이션스. 섬 오브

you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for

유 해브 컴 프레쉬 프롬 내로우 셀스. 섬 오브 유 해브 컴 프롬 아리아스 웨얼 유얼 퀘스트 폴

freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police

프리담 레프트 유 배털드 바이 더 스톰스 오브 펄세쿠션 앤 스태걸드 바이 더 윈즈 오브 폴리스

brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that

브러털리티. 유 해브 빈 더 비더랜스 오브 크리에이티브 서퍼링. 컨티뉴 투 월크 위쓰 더 패이쓰 댓

unearned suffering is redemptive.

언얼드 서퍼링 이스 리댐티브.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back

고 백 투 미씨씨피, 고 백 투 알라바마, 고 백 투 조르지아, 고 백 투 러시아나, 고 백

to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and

투 더 슬럼스 앤 게토스 오브 아월 놀턴 씨티스, 노잉 댓 섬하우 디스 시츄에이션 캔 앤

will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

윌 비 체인지드. 렛 어스 낫 월로우 인 더 밸리 오브 디스페어.

휴..눈아파서 더이상은 못쓰겠네요;

너무졸려서 자꾸 꾸벅꾸벅..

언제까지 써야되나요?

만약 기간이 많이 남았다면 조금씩 해드릴게요

근데 너무많네요;;

여기까지 하는데만 1시간도 넘게걸렸어요..

오늘은 여기까지ㅡ

I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I

아이 세이 투 유 투데이, 마이 프렌즈, 댓 인 스파이트 오브 더 디피컬티스 앤 프러스트레이션스 오브 더 모먼트, 아이

still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

스틸 해브 어 드림. 잇 이스 어 드림 디플리 루티드 인 더 아메리칸 드림.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed:

아이 해브 어 드림 댓 원 데이 디스 내션 윌 롸이즈 업 앤 리브 아웃 더 트루 미닝 오브 이츠 크리드

"We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

"위 홀드 디즈 트루쓰 투 비 셀프-에비던트: 댓 얼 맨 알 크리에이티드 이퀄."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of

아이 해브 어 드림 댓 원 데이 온 더 레드 힐스 오브 조르지아 더 선스 오브 포멀 슬레이브스 앤 더 선스 오브

former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

포멀 슬레이브오우널스 윌 비 에이블 투 씻 다웃 투게더 앳 어 테이블 오브 브라덜후드.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat

아이 해브 어 드림 댓 원 데이 이븐 더 스테이트 오브 미씨씨피, 어 데절트 스테이트, 스웰터링 위쓰 더 힛

of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

오브 인저스티쓰 앤 오프레션, 윌 비 트랜스폼드 인투 언 오아시쓰 오브 프리덤 앤 저스티쓰.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged

 아이 해브 어 드림 댓 마이 폴 칠드런 윌 원데이 리브 인 어 내션 웨얼 데이 윌 낫 비 저지드

by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

바이 더 컬러 오브 대얼 스킨 벗 바이 더 콘텐트 오브 데얼 캐릭터.

I have a dream today.

아이 해브 어 드림 투데이.

I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping

아이 해브 어 드림 댓 원 데이 더 스테이트 오브 알라바마, 후즈 고브멀스 립스 알 프리젠틀리 드리핑

with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little

위쓰더 월즈 오브 인터포지션 앤 널리파이케이션, 윌 비 트랜스폼드 인투 어 시츄에이션 웨얼 리들

black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and

블랙 보이스 앤 블랙 걸스 윌 비 에이블 투 조인 핸즈 위쓰 리들 와이트 걸스 앤

walk together as sisters and brothers.

웍 투게더 애스 시스털즈 앤 브라덜스

I have a dream today.

아이 해브 어 드림 투데이.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made

아이 해브 어 드림 댓 원데이 에브리 발리 셜 비 이그잴티드, 에브리 힐 앤 마운틴 셜 비 메이드

low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the

라우, 더 로프 플레이쓰 윌 비 메이드 플레인, 앤 더 크룩 플레이시스 윌 비 메이드 스트레잇, 앤 더

glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

글로리 오브 더 롤드 셜 비 리빌드, 앤 얼 프레쉬 셜 씨 잇 투게더.

This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able

디스 이스 아월 홉. 디스 이스 더 페이쓰 위쓰 위치 아 리턴 투 더 싸우쓰. 위쓰 디스 페이쓰 위 윌 비 에이블

to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to

투 휴 아웃 오브 더 마운틴 오브 디스페어 어 스톤 오브 홉. 위쓰 디스 페이쓰 위 윌 비 에이블 투

transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With

트랜스폼 더 쟁글링 디스콜즈 오브 아월 내션 인투 어 뷰리풀 심포니 오브 브라덜후드. 위쓰

this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail

디스 페이쓰 위 윌 비 에이블 투 월크 투게덜, 투 프레이 투게덜, 투 스트러글 투게덜, 투 고 투 제일

together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

투게덜, 투 스탠드업 폴 프리덤 투게덜, 노잉 댓 위 윌 비 프리 원데이.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My

디스 윌 비 더 데이 웬 얼 오브 갓스 칠드런 윌 비 에이블 투 씽 위쓰 어 뉴 미닝, "마이

country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the

컨츄리, 티쓰 오브 티, 스위트 랜드 오브 리벌티, 오브 티 아이 씽. 랜드 웨얼 마이 파덜스 다이드, 랜드 오브 더

pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

필그림스 프라이드, 프롬 에브리 마운틴사이드, 렛 프리덤 링."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the

prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let

freedom ring.

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every

state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men

and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing

in the words of the old Negro spiritual,

 

 

"Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

 

 

 

 

 

 

Citizens of Russia: On the night of 18-19 August 1991, the legally elected president of the

 

country was removed from power.

 

 

Regardless of the reasons given for his removal, we are dealing with a rightist, reactionary, anti-

 

constitutional coup. Despite all the difficulties and severe trials being experienced by the people,

 

the democratic process in the country is acquiring an increasingly broad sweep and an

 

 

irreversible character.

 

The peoples of Russia are becoming masters of their destiny. The uncontrolled powers of

 

unconstitutional organs have been considerably limited, and this includes party organs.

 

The leadership of Russia has adopted a resolute position toward the Union Treaty striving for

 

the unity of the Soviet Union and unity of Russia. Our position on this issue permitted a

 

considerable acceleration of the preparation of this treaty, to coordinate it with all the republics

 

and to determine the date of signing as August 20. Tomorrow's signing has been canceled.

 

 

These developments gave rise to angry reactionary forces, pushed them to irresponsible and

 

adventurist attempts to solve the most complicated political and economic problems by methods

 

of force. Attempts to realize a coup have been tried earlier.

 

We considered and consider that such methods of force are unacceptable. They discredit the

 

union in the eyes of the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, and return

 

us to the Cold War era along with the Soviet Union's isolation in the world community. All of

 

this forces us to proclaim that the so-called committee's ascendancy to power is unlawful.

 

Accordingly we proclaim all decisions and instructions of this committee to be unlawful.

 

We are confident that the organs of local power will unswervingly adhere to constitutional laws

 

and decrees of the president of Russia.

 

We appeal to citizens of Russia to give a fitting rebuff to the putschists and demand a return of

 

the country to normal constitutional development.

 

Undoubtedly it is essential to give the country's president, Gorbachev, an opportunity to

 

address the people. Today he has been blockaded. I have been denied communications with

 

him. We demand an immediate convocation of an extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of

 

the Union. We are absolutely confident that our countrymen will not permit the sanctioning of

 

the tyranny and lawlessness of the putschists, who have lost all shame and conscience. We

 

address an appeal to servicemen to manifest lofty civic duty and not take part in the reactionary

 

coup.

 

 

Until these demands are met, we appeal for a universal unlimited strike.

2006.01.14.

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